The Dreaded Lurgi
I came down with something overnight, so I apologize that there will be no posts today. I'll try to post the odd item over the weekend.
A democracy cannot exist as a permanent form of government. It can only exist until the voters discover that they can vote themselves largess from the public treasury. From that time on the majority always votes for the candidates promising the most benefits from the public treasury, with the results that a democracy always collapses over loose fiscal policy, always followed by a dictatorship. The average age of the world's great civilizations has been 200 years. These nations have progressed through this sequence: from bondage to spiritual faith; from spiritual faith to great courage; from courage to liberty; from liberty to abundance; from abundance to selfishness; from selfishness to complacency; from complacency to apathy; from apathy to dependency; from dependency back again to bondage.
Ever since the 1981 Scarman report into the Brixton riots, the fashionable solution to the problem of policing such areas has been "community policing". The assumption was that civil disorder of all kinds - including crime, anti-social behaviour and the rioting that followed attempted arrests - was a result of "alienation" on the part of local ethnic communities from police authority.
Ergo, the solution must be for the police to relate to that community in a much more relaxed and less threatening way. They must show more understanding and tolerance of the cultural habits and standards of behaviour of the locals. If cannabis use is widespread among Afro-Caribbean youths, then the sale of it should be quietly ignored. If aggressive, misogynist street culture is the prevailing fashion on the street, then that should be accepted with good humour. If the young think it is cool to be foul-mouthed and territorially threatening, then we must accept their demand for "respect" (the great totem word).
At all costs, we must avoid any authoritarian, "them and us" hostility.
In a speech delivered last night, Oliver Letwin, the shadow home secretary, made an elegant case for replacing "community policing" with what he calls "neighbourhood policing", in which the police would have a very visible presence on the streets and form a clear pact with local residents to enforce the law. He wants to reinstate the understanding that used to exist between all responsible adults, that maintaining order was a shared responsibility between the police and the private individual, which had to be based on a clear acceptance of the rule of law and what were permissible standards of civil behaviour.
We are considering acting pre-emptively against a state that has not - has it? - actually sponsored a terrorist threat against us. We are likely, in the process, to fracture the united international front against al-Qa'eda, split public opinion in this country and make bio-terrorism more likely. All in all: a strange way to go about making the world a safer place.
Why is it that people have only to say that they want to be British to be persecuted by this Government? Just as Mr Blair sucks up to Sinn Fein/IRA, and humiliates the Ulster Unionists, so he is now sucking up to Spain and scheming against the loyal Gibraltarians.
Of course life would be happier for everyone concerned, if only a good relationship could be established between Britain, Spain and Gibraltar. And of course, the long-running dispute over the sovereignty of the Rock has been an obstacle to such a relationship. But whose fault is it that such a dispute exists, when both international law and the principle of self-determination insist that there should be none, and that the Rock is unquestionably British?
Spain prides itself on being a grown-up, democratic country. Over Gibraltar, it is not behaving like one.
I think your criticisms of my TCS piece are a little unfair. For a start, an 800-1000 word piece (such are the constraints of writing opinion columns) cannot go into the level of detail you demand.
Second, you call for me to publish my data elsewhere. I debated doing that, but decided that, in the end, I was not in the business of trying to put out an alternative STATS claim of accuracy. I say "suggests that", for the very good reason that I was reviewing for the most part secondary sources. It was therefore a judgment call on my part, just as it was on Herold's. Moreover, my work was simply a review of Herold's. I made no attempt to look out sources he had missed. I was emphatically not in the business of trying to establish an authoritative estimate of casualty figures, which is a fool's game. My numbers could be just as wrong as anyone else's and I therefore have no desire to tie myself to anything other than a ballpark figure for what Herold might have found if he had been more careful.
Our name, perhaps, is a little misleading. STATS' main mission is to educate journalists in the questions they should ask of people who claim authoritative numbers. We highlight existing, reputable data that are being ignored and point out methodological flaws in data that have been poorly put together. We do not produce new data ourselves, except on rare occasions when we have a specific grant for the project. We can suggest what is likely to happen, based on our judgment, if a scientific review of the data is performed, as we did here, but we have neither the staff nor the funding to produce data of the level required for publication.
I can assure you that if I did do a project that attempted to establish an authoritative figure for Afghan casualty numbers I would seek for it to be peer-reviewed and published in a journal rather than simply put it up on a website as if that somehow lent authority to the findings.
No, the solution for our fickle friends in the Gulf is a long overdue accounting with the terrorist autocracy of Iraq and the implementation of consensual government in its place. We saved Kuwait once from Iraqi fascism and apparently received ingratitude for our efforts. Perhaps next time we should encourage a new and free Iraq to ignite a chain reaction of democratic revolution in the Gulf — and let the sheiks deal with reformers who seek not to take their oil, but to oust them altogether.
John Ashcroft Culture Watch: The latest GQ reports that the strait-laced attorney general is a big fan of "The Simpsons." Ashcroft tells writer Jake Tapper that his son and daughter-in-law recently gave him a three-DVD set of the Fox animated series: "Man, I've got a lot of favorite episodes!" he confides, and starts reciting fave lines. "There was that one -- when was it? -- when they thought Bart was somehow related to [late Supreme Court Chief Justice] Warren Burger, and Homer says, 'Mmmmmmmm, burrrgerrrrr.' " Ashcroft especially enjoyed the episode in which Lisa Simpson cheats on a test and as a result her school district receives more federal support. But then Lisa decides to do the right thing. "Frankly, I like her a lot. Obviously, she's an idealist." D'oh!
... on the question of Iraq, Mr Blair faces a choice of either siding with the Americans or with the anti-American, anti-colonialist and pacifist instincts of his own party. In making this decision, he needs to reach only one judgment: will the Americans win? Will they rout Saddam Hussein? And, though there is always a degree of uncertainty about any war, the strong likelihood is that they will. The fighting will be as one-sided as in the Gulf war, and this time the Iraqi tyrant will perish. One of the great Arab grievances against Washington, namely that it had Saddam within its grasp yet allowed him to go on massacring his own people, will have been removed, and so will one of the gravest threats to Israel, perhaps opening the way to an American-imposed peace. But whether or not wider and more durable blessings flow, there will be dancing for an hour or two in the streets of Baghdad, and the opening of Saddam’s torture chambers will make it impossible to imagine that it was wrong to overthrow him. To ask Mr Blair to refuse his share of the credit for this victory would be like expecting Winnie-the-Pooh to turn down a pot of honey.
The American focus on Iraq is deliberate and logical — with respect to Islamist terrorism, but also with respect to Israel. Saddam’s decade-long defiance of the UN weakens respect for international law. He applauds Islamist extremists for resorting to terror against Israel. While Saddam endures, Arab leaders will not find the political courage to make genuine peace with Israel — not even if that country were led by the Archangel Gabriel. It is Iraq that is on a confrontation course with the West, not the other way round. Saddam’s Iraq is not merely unfinished business; it is a menace of the first order, to the Middle East, to the Western oil supplies that it is his ambition to dominate, to Israel and, ultimately, if he can build missiles with sufficient range, to Europe itself. He must be dealt with or he will deal with us. Blair believes that. He has started to say that. I have not been his admirer, until now; I have thought him weak, deep down. I have not thought him to be much of a strategist. But, in this great emergency, he has raised his game.
The closer war with Iraq comes, the more isolated he will feel. He does not relish isolation. There has always been an anti-American strand in the British establishment, Left and Right. It is one of its ‘forces of conservatism’. When Blair talks about these forces, he too often seems to have inchoately in mind ‘people who disagree with me’. The rise in anti-Americanism — and, to a lesser extent, anti-Israeli prejudice — may be a chattering-class phenomenon; but it risks distorting the political prism through which Britain’s national interest is perceived. Blair must acknowledge this, to counter it effectively. And, if he does so, Conservatives who hate the very thought of his being right must have the courage to support him. Britain’s interest is not always identical with America’s. But it is now. Blair should wear the badge of loyalty with pride.
"Kill Marc Herold Afghan casualties meme by Googlebombing it. For the uninitiated, "Googlebombing" takes advantage of the fact that Google gives a high ranking to regularly updated sites; this means that if a lot of bloggers link to, say, Iain Murray's take-down of the Herold Afghan casualties study, using relevant search terms like Afghanistan civilian casualties and Herold collateral damage and Marc Herold Afghanistan study, we can move Iain's article to the top of Google's search results."
(Sheepish grin).

I too am livid about it, and the Guardian, and the Mirror, and the Independent, and Fisk, and Pilger etc. There's just a lack of critical thought on much of the left right now. It seems only able to define itself by what it is against, rather than what is for. Claiming you're "for humanity", "for the children", "for a better world", "for peace", or whatever other nonsense the Left is selling is easy. Doing something about it is not. The Left is unable to offer up anything constructive, or even introspective, while simultaneously appearing hopelessly self-absorbed - no mean feat.
On Blair: as an American (a New Yorker), I'm deeply grateful for Blair's - and the UK's - support. He certainly seems way out in front of Labour on this one. As a London resident (four years now) who takes the tube daily, I can't help but wonder why Blair can't get his domestic act together? Do I really need to read another story on The Dome? Mandelson? On Byers? The Dome again? On a phantom Euro referendum? Posh and Becks? (kidding, I can't blame that on him.)
Last thing - as much as some of the local press appears iredeemably anti-american, I perceive little of this from my colleagues, friends and business contacts. From this I surmise that The Guardian represents the average Londoner's opinion in the way that Maureen Dowd or Frank Rich represent my own. That is to say - not in the least.
Mr. Monti's competition fief already fails this test, as we've noted on a number of occasions. Mr. Monti already conducts his "dawn raids" in cartel and price-fixing cases, and the justification for these raids, according to the European Court of Justice, can only be challenged at the European level. No judge or independent arbiter reviews Mr. Monti's decision to conduct surprise inspections; the decision to do so lies entirely with him. The evidence thus collected is then evaluated by his regulators, who build a case and then serve as judges of that case in turn.
The right of appeal is attenuated by the lack of an efficient court system in which to challenge the verdict. In merger cases, such an appeal can take years to be heard, and so can hardly be made under the time constraints demanded by the business world. And while Mr. Monti's final verdict may be appealed to the Court of Justice in Luxembourg, the damage may already have been done by then if a business has had its operations disrupted by a years-long investigation by the Commission.
It would seem, then that Mr. Monti's powers need rather to be checked than enhanced. The obvious answer is to require Mr. Monti to submit his request for a search to a judge, as prosecutors and police do in many countries. Which judge? The same Luxembourg court is the obvious candidate, although the Commission maintains that member states don't like that idea. Judges in the relevant member state are the next option, although they are not necessarily experts on EU law, and perhaps shouldn't be expected to be.
There may be no perfect solution, especially in an EU in which the "executive branch" -- the Commission -- tries its own cases. The creation of a full-fledged EU judiciary doesn't seem like an attractive option. But as the EU's would-be architects sit down to craft a more perfect union under Mr. Giscard d'Estaing's eye, they'd do well to bear in mind some of the lessons bought at great price by their forbears. The separation of powers made good sense in 1741. It does so today as well.
Social Studies That Flunk The Truth Test
Columbia University's National Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse (CASA) announced yesterday that "underage drinkers account for 25 percent of all the alcohol consumed in the U.S." That's shocking -- shocking because it's completely incorrect, and CASA has not recalled its report.
CASA's seeing double: This morning's New York Times, in an article entitled "Disturbing Finding on Youth Drinkers Proves to Be Wrong," reports that the real proportion of alcohol consumed by teenagers was less than half CASA's figure, according to the federal government. CASA "acknowledged that it had not applied the usual statistical techniques" to derive the inflated number, "which would then have been far smaller," the Times reports. But even so, CASA's study "Teen Tipplers: America's Underage Drinking Epidemic" remains the lead item on CASA's website this morning.
This is not the first time CASA, and its president Joseph Califano, Jr., have been exposed for factual distortion. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services blasted a 1994 CASA report on welfare and substance abuse as "seriously flawed." That report said one in four (which seems to be a favorite proportion of Columbia University-based CASA) women who receive welfare were alcohol or drug abusers. HHS's real number was 4.5 percent, and criticized CASA's overly broad definition of "abuser." Said HHS: "Readers of the headlines need to understand the fine print."
And a CASA report on "binge drinking" among college students, also from 1994, cited statistics linking alcohol with sexually transmitted diseases and campus rape. According to Forbes MediaCritic magazine's Winter 1995 issue, many of the "statistics" cited were merely conjecture by health educators at various universities. One number even came from a student handout that was "not intended to reflect any kind of original research." Another statistic came from a misquote published in a student newspaper. Said Professor David Hanson of the State University of New York at Potsdam, who has studied college alcohol use for over 20 years: "If I were teaching a research class, I would use this CASA report as an example of what not to do."
This is just one sign of a "social engineering" movement meant to use misleading "statistics" to influence and restrict consumer freedom. The Center for Science in the Public Interest (CSPI), which has called for increased regulations on restaurants and restrictions on all sorts of food products, also takes on the right to responsibly consume alcohol through its Alcohol Policy Project, which has "led efforts to improve policies regarding the labeling, advertising, and taxation of alcoholic beverages." The program's head, George Hacker, minces no words about the fact that he is an activist before a scientist, and comes with an agenda: He has worked on a national campaign to link alcohol consumption with illegal drug abuse through advertising, and called for blood alcohol content (BAC) arrest levels as low as .05%.
Like CASA, CSPI is not above fudging the numbers to make its point. CSPI released a report on soda in 1998. Like CASA's report, it dealt with consumption by children -- and like CASA, CSPI doubled the numbers, inflating its actual findings by 100 percent. CSPI admitted the error and did revise the report -- but, like CASA, left the original up on the Internet even after being called on the mistake.
Sometimes the deceptions cannot be explained away as mistakes. Assistant professor Frank Flynn of Columbia University (where CASA and Califano are based) sent letters to 240 New York restaurants, falsely claiming their wares had given him food poisoning. He also lied about what he did for a living as part of a "research project" on how restaurants respond to complaints. The letters said he and his wife had gone to each restaurant to celebrate their first wedding anniversary, but he had become ill after eating, curled up "in a fetal position on the tiled floor of our bathroom in between rounds of throwing up." Ten of the restaurants are now suing Flynn.
What do these various deceptions have in common? These "social engineering" distortions are all intended to change the way consumers think and act. In a recent study funded by a $250,000 grant from the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, Deborah Cohen of the RAND Corporation wrote: "Alcohol consumption by any individual is, in part, a function of the overall distribution of consumption of the community and leads to the conclusion that [the] magnitude of alcohol-related health problems in a population is directly related to per capita consumption. Individual consumption in turn is associated with various factors affecting the physical and social availability of the product within the community in which individuals reside." In other words, reduce the availability of the product and consumption by responsible adults, and you reduce abuse by the few. Among her recommendations, "greater restrictions on alcohol accessibility, stricter disciplinary measures for violations and stricter licensure requirements."
Cohen, who has recently launched an effort to apply the same product-control tactics to obesity by shutting down restaurants, told the Dallas Morning News, "It's easier to control the providers than it is the consumers."